Italy Mafia + Strength = Power (the minutes and hours)
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Good reading.
bosses, B. and the secret pact of
Lirio Abbate
Money goodness, payments Riina, the agreement with Dell'Utri, the favors of government. The ultimate truth of Brusca
Four names omitted in 14 years of repentance. Concealed to avoid problems and ensure the silence with a pension in the future, for themselves and for Cosa Nostra. Names he gave just now and that could rewrite the judicial history of the birth of the Second Republic: Vito Ciancimino, Nicola Mancino, Marcello Dell'Utri, Silvio Berlusconi . Listed as a chain of institutional representatives in the negotiation which allowed the Corleone to capitalize on the result of the massacres . A talk is Giovanni Brusca, head of the once powerful family of San Giuseppe Jato: what has pressed the remote control to blow up Giovanni Falcone, his wife and his bodyguard, the one who decided the death of small Santino Di Matteo.
E 'was captured in 1996. At first he tried a ploy to discredit politicians and judges, but was unmasked. He then provided a broad collaboration: it was the first to reveal "the Papello and negotiation between the state and gangs in 1992. But last September, investigators have found that continued to manage traffic and blackmail, protecting a treasure accumulated through crime. Now faces of losing benefits and being demoted from "repentant" to the registrant. Now, faced with the possibility of seeing the prison doors close forever, no longer allowed, claims to want to tell the second part of his criminal history. Completing a painting that had been partly intercepted by bugging devices in his cell. It broke the silence aimed at "not to make statements about persons who were" available "with Cosa Nostra '. In the new verbal
Brusca speaks at length about Silvio Berlusconi . Quote funds that were invested by men of the godfather Stefano goodness in Berlusconi's business activities in the seventies. Brusca said that the founder Fininvest paid each year to 600 million pounds goodness. After the death of his godfather, killed by Corleone in 1981, the payments cease. Then - says the registrant - 1986 Ignazio Pullara is placing explosives in the cancellation of Berlusconi's Milan residence. A hidden mission to Riina, who is furious and decides to personally manage the relationship with Knight. Which - according to Brusca - after the bomb starts to pay half a billion directly to the chief of chiefs. "Then when he was killed Salvo Lima, told me that Ciancimino Dell'Utri and were proposed as new representatives for the relations with politicians."
Corleone boss wary of Ciancimino, "too fond of Provenzano," while Dell'Utri "was visto come erede di Bontate perché vicino a quest'ultimo». I signori della Cupola però puntano su Dell'Utri, usando come ambasciatori i mafiosi Gaetano Cinà e Raffaele Ganci. Brusca spiega che Ganci riferì a Riina: «Dell'Utri è a disposizione». E sottolinea come nel 1993 il collegamento possibile «con il nuovo movimento politico Forza Italia che sta per nascere passa sempre da Dell'Utri». Un legame cementato con ricatti espliciti: parla di messaggi inoltrati a Berlusconi attraverso Mangano, sostiene che alla fine del 1993 furono minacciate altre bombe come quelle di Roma, Milano e Firenze. «Un modo per metterlo in difficoltà» con il governo che si apprestava a guidare, se non avesse varato leggi in favore of Cosa Nostra.
Marcello Dell'Utri and Silvio Berlusconi Brusca at that moment became one of the great leaders of all the mob and recalls that in 1994 received a message from Berlusconi and Dell'Utri that, by Mangano, guaranteed: "It would be committed to meet our demands. " The promises they would be turned immediately into action. Pm for one of the examples is the " salvaladri decree" passed by the Berlusconi government in July 1994. A lock was re-thinking of the then Minister Roberto Maroni: "After talking to some judges in the front line against the Mafia," Maroni said, "I discovered that this decree is different from what had been proposed ... There are other parts that total weakened state action against crime . According to Brusca
the agreement with Italy Force is phase two of a strategy born in the aftermath of Capaci. In July 1992 - before dell'autobomba Via D'Amelio - had been trying to come to terms with the institutions, mediated by Vito Ciancimino. Brusca and reiterates that the ultimate reference of the negotiations was Nicola Mancino, then interior minister and strongman of the DC.
Riina's former boss remembers when he made the name Mancino as the person who had to meet the demands of "Papello. Also put on record "contempt" of Leoluca Bagarella, Riina's brother in law, which says the news of the armored glass installed to protect the house Mancino. Nicola Mancino, a former vice president of CSM, has always rejected any suggestion of a role in the affair.
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